Sunday, November 14, 2010

The Life and Death of Lenin

The Life and Death of Lenin
Robert Payne
NY: Simon & Schuster, 1964

I've never read any other comprehensive biographies of Lenin and I'm not well-versed in Russian history, so don't know how this book compares with others.  It was published in 1964 so it is quite possible studies since then have had access to archives that weren't available at the height of the Cold War.  I do know it is quite detailed, and it does follow Lenin literally from cradle to grave. 

Lenin's early life is particularly interesting, as the author describes Lenin's evolution from apolitical student to revolutionary.  His life is a nice example of labeling theory:  if you call someone a troublemaker enough times, he or she is sure to become one.  His first few run-ins with the Russian secret police are triggered by his name:  his older brother had gotten entangled with an inept group of anti-imperialists, so the whole family becomes suspect.  Guilt by association.

Unfortunately for the Russians (and perhaps the rest of the world), while Lenin's brother may have been incompetent when it came to plotting and agitating for revolution, Lenin was not.  Over the years, I've heard a fair amount of speculation about what might have happened if Lenin hadn't died when he did -- there are conspiracy theories that Stalin had him poisoned.  This book doesn't put to rest any of that speculation, but it does make it fairly clear that anyone who thinks Lenin would have been better than Stalin in the long run hasn't paid much attention to Lenin's actual life and writings.

You can have The Life and Death of Lenin for $10 plus shipping ($4 for media mail within the U.S., $9 for priority, and $15 for non-U.S. addresses).

Thursday, November 11, 2010

Slavery and Public History: The Tough Stuff of American Memory -- SOLD

Slavery and Public History: The Tough Stuff of American Memory is a collection of essays edited by historians James Oliver Horton and Lois Horton.  Published in 2006, the book anticipates many of the conflicts regarding the role of slavery in American history in general and the Civil War in particular that are sure to arise as the sesquicentennial of the latter draws more attention to the issue. I bought this book last year at the book store in the Natchez, Mississippi, visitors' center.  It was money well spent.
Public history is the field of history that deals with making history accessible to and understood by the general public;  museum docents, subject matter experts who plan exhibits and brochures, tour guides, interpretive rangers at state and national parks, living history actors, and so on are all working in the field of public history. One of the challenges of public history can be helping visitors to a museum or a historic site to recognize that knowing more about the past isn't always going to make you feel good, a notably difficult task when most visitors begin the experience by seeing their visit to a museum or historic site as potential entertainment or as a celebration of American progress so, unless they're visiting a site like Andersonville or Manzanar, are expecting tours to be upbeat. But, as one of the essays notes, "if you don't tell it like it was, it can never be as it ought to be."

When history involves the tough stuff -- slavery, civil rights, internment camps -- things can get especially messy.  Most people prefer a comforting myth over a nasty truth any day, so it's no surprise that for the general public the history of slavery in the United States comes wrapped in multiple myths, ranging from the erroneous belief slavery existed only in the Southern states to the ludicrous notion that there were thousands of black soldiers in the Confederate army.

The essays in this book examine a number of recent events for which the history of slavery either served as the initial reason for the event or became entangled in it as planning progressed, including changing the docents' scripts at the Brown house in Rhode Island, placement of a statue honoring Arthur Ashe in Richmond, Virginia, and the unexpected reaction to an exhibit on plantation life at the Library of Congress. Although a state that in the public mind is not normally associated with the history of slavery, Rhode Island, in fact, provides three of the case studies in the book:  Brown University and the issue of reparations, the Brown house and the history of the slave trade, and efforts to honor the first Continental Army regiment comprised of men of color, the First Rhode Island, which fought in the Revolutionary War. 

I'm reasonably well-read in U.S. history, so Slavery and Public History didn't contain any major surprises.  There were issues I hadn't heard about before -- the controversy over the "Behind the Big House" exhibit at the Library of Congress, for example -- but overall the essays served more to provide additional insights into topics I'd heard discussed in other venues.  I knew that there's been quite a bit of debate within the National Park Service over resource education at battlefield sites.  For many years, interpretation at sites such as Shiloh focused almost exclusively on what happened on the day of the battle (e.g., troop movements, casualty counts) while remaining essentially silent on the larger social and political context that led to that battle being fought. (This was true not only of Civil War sites, but also sites associated with the Indian wars, like Little Big Horn.)  When NPS began to change interpretive programs to do more than rhapodize about the heroic actions of our glorious dead, the gallant lads in blue or gray, howls of protest were heard, primarily from members of organizations like the Sons of the Confederacy.  Understandable, of course, because it's not much fun to be reminded that the Lost Cause your ancestors died for was a morally repugnant one.

Although I found all of the book to be interesting as well as thoroughly researched, the chapter debunking the myth of African-Americans being a sizable presence in the Confederate army was particularly interesting.  It's been common practice for a number of years for Confederate heritage organizations, e.g., United Daughters of the Confederacy, to claim that thousands and thousands of blacks willingly served in the Confederate army.  This is, as I stated above, ludicrous.  It's been debunked many times, and in his essay "In Search of a Usable Past" Bruce Levine does a nice job of debunking it again.  Levine shows how the supporters of the theory have resorted to tactics like deciding that slaves used as camp cooks or for doing other support work (collecting firewood, taking care of the horses, digging latrines) were actually serving in the Army.  The fact slaves had no choice in the matter is, from the viewpoint of neo-Confederates, irrelevant.  Documents from the time period, of course, tell the real story.  Confederate officials, from Jefferson Davis on down, made it clear they had no interest in allowing any blacks into the army, with Davis in 1861 bluntly calling the idea "stark madness."  By March 1865, as the CSA ran out of eligible white bodies to use as cannon fodder, the idea was revived, but the Confederates never managed to muster much more than the equivalent of one small platoon.

If you , too, would like to learn a little more about some of these issues, Slavery and Public History can be yours for $12.50 plus shipping ($3.50 for parcel post, $5 for priority, $12.50 for addresses outside the United States.)

Update: Hate to see it leave because it is a great book, but it found a buyer.